This is a hearing about the China issue held before congress today with testimony by:
The Honorable Tom Lantos, The Honorable Paula J. Dobriansky, His Excellency Lodi G. Gyari, and Mr. Richard Gere.
Statement of Chairman Lantos at Hearing,
Tibet: Status of the Sino-Tibetan Dialogue
In a world marred daily by deadly violence, the patient and peaceful struggle of Tibetans for their religious and cultural freedom is a powerful source of inspiration. Despite continued, brutal oppression by Beijing, the Tibetan people and their leaders in exile maintain a heroic commitment to non-violence and dialogue in their fight for fundamental human rights, rights which are the birthright of all human beings.
No one epitomizes the wisdom and power of peace more than my friend, His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Two decades ago, when His Holiness presented his Five Point Peace Plan for Tibet to the Human Rights Caucus that I had the privilege of founding, no other U.S. government body would give him an audience. Twenty years later, his characteristically quiet plea on behalf of his people is heard loud and clear by the President of the United States and government leaders around the globe.
I am proud that Congress will again take the lead in recognizing His Holiness and the ongoing plight of Tibetans, when it presents to him the Congressional Gold Medal in October of this year. The Dalai Lama will join the ranks of other great peace-makers who have received this award, including Pope John Paul II; Elie Wiesel, the conscience of the Holocaust; Nelson Mandela, the hero who conquered Apartheid, and Mother Theresa.
The Dalai Lama has sacrificed greatly in his pursuit of Tibetan freedom. Forced to flee his homeland, he has spent most of his life serving the cause of his people in exile. Yet, his dedication to peace and dialogue remains unwavering.
Through the Sino-Tibetan dialogue, the Dalai Lama has pursued a negotiated solution to the Tibetan issue with the Chinese government. One of our distinguished witnesses today, my friend Lodi Gyari, is the Special Envoy to the talks. I welcome you to the Committee, Lodi, and look forward to hearing your testimony on the status of these important talks.
In five rounds of discussions, His Holiness has made it clear to the Chinese government that, despite their claims to the contrary, he does not seek Tibetan independence, but only genuine autonomy in Tibet’s cultural, religious and economic affairs within the context of Chinese sovereignty.
Instead of embracing the Dalai Lama’s overture for peace, Beijing has resolutely refused to make any concessions to the Tibetans in the five years of the talks. It takes two the tango, and the Tibetans have been dancing alone.
Meanwhile, the human rights situation in Tibet has declined precipitously. The Tibet section of the just-released State Department human rights report states that in 2006 Chinese “authorities continued to commit serious human rights abuses, including torture, arbitrary arrest and detention, house arrest and surveillance of dissidents, and arbitrary restrictions on free movement.”
It is important to continue to draw attention to this matter, lest the world forget. I am pleased that my dear friend, the distinguished and world-renowned actor Mr. Richard Gere – a longtime friend to Tibetans and a tireless supporter of Tibetan human rights – is here to give our Committee his views on the current human rights situation in Tibet.
Beijing must understand that the stalemate in the Tibetan talks is not in China’s own interests. With each day that the Chinese government refuses to enter into serious dialogue over the issue of Tibet and fails to take tangible steps to provide true autonomy to the Tibetan people within the borders of the People’s Republic of China, the stain on the moral authority of China grows broader and deeper.
China’s remarkable economic development over the last three decades has brought material betterment to millions within the People’s Republic of China, and it thrust China onto the global stage as an emerging world power. But Beijing must understand that it will take more than spaceships and skyscrapers for the international community to recognize it as a global leader worthy of great power status.
China must meet the good faith efforts of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and his envoys with good faith of its own. China states that it is a country dedicated to peace as it develops and strengthens. Proof of its “peaceful rise” must first come from within its own borders.
Our own government, the U.S. government, has a moral responsibility to promote the peaceful resolution of the problem of Tibet on terms that are mutually acceptable to the Tibetan people and to the Chinese government. Through the Tibet Policy Act of 2002, which I had the privilege to author, it is the law of this land that the United States work to preserve the cultural identity of Tibetans.
I look forward to hearing from our distinguished witness, Under Secretary of State for Democracy and Global Affairs Paula Dobriansky, on our government’s efforts to encourage and support this critically important dialogue that we hope will one day soon allow His Holiness to return to his Tibet and bring peace to a people who have suffered far too long.
Statement of Under Secretary Paula J. Dobriansky,
Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues,
House Foreign Affairs Committee
Status of Negotiations Between the Dalai Lama’s Representatives and the Chinese Government
March 13, 2007
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee, I am delighted to appear before you today to testify on the status of negotiations between the Dalai Lama Representatives and the Chinese Government. I appreciate the interest and support Members of this Committee have provided on this issue. I would also like to thank Lodi Gyari, the International Campaign for Tibet, and Richard Gere who are with us today as well as the non-governmental organizations who are working tirelessly for the rights of the Tibetan people.
The United States considers Tibet to be part of the People’s Republic of China. Our goals are two-fold: to promote a substantive dialogue between the Chinese government and the Dalai Lama or his representatives, and to help sustain Tibet’s unique religious, linguistic, and cultural heritage.
I would like to highlight key recent developments, describe the current circumstances in Tibet, and briefly mention actions taken by the Administration.
Key developments
In 2002, under the leadership of Chairman Lantos and former Chairman Hyde, the Congress passed the Tibet Policy Act which supports the Tibetan people and safeguards their unique identity. As Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, I work to ensure that the Tibet Policy Act is fully carried out, and I remain deeply involved in all aspects of our Tibet policy. I meet regularly with representatives of the Dalai Lama, and the Dalai Lama himself. In fact, in November 2006, I traveled to Dharamsala, India to visit him. These candid exchanges provide an opportunity to hear directly from the Dalai Lama on the status of the dialogue, the human rights situation in Tibet, and needs of Tibetan refugees.
As this Committee is aware, 2002 also marked the year that representatives of the Dalai Lama and the Chinese leadership re-established contact. These meetings represent the first formal communication between the two sides in 20 years. There have been five meetings in all, the most recent took place in February 2006 in China. The previous meetings occurred in September 2002, May/June 2003, September 2004, and June/July 2005. The U.S. government has urged China, at the highest levels, to continue these discussions. We have also encouraged China to meet directly with the Dalai Lama. A full report of our exchanges is provided in the Congressionally mandated Tibet Negotiations Report.
At the outset, we were greatly encouraged by the promise of these discussions. However, recently, we have become more concerned that they have not produced results. In the past year, the dialogue has not advanced, and the Chinese government has ramped up negative rhetoric concerning the Dalai Lama. In August 2006, the newly appointed Communist Party Secretary in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), Zhang Qingli, sharply criticized the Dalai Lama, and dismissed his “Middle Way Approach” as “splittism.” Comments like these and others from Beijing cast doubt on the seriousness of the negotiations.
Our bilateral Human Rights Dialogue with the Chinese, unfortunately, also remains suspended. We have made clear to Beijing that we are prepared to resume a formal Human Rights Dialogue under the condition that it be results-based. We are not interested in talk for talk’s sake. At the same time, I should emphasize that human rights form an integral part of virtually every high-level meeting we have with the Chinese, from the April 2006 visit of President Hu Jintao to Washington, to Secretary Rice’s frequent discussions with Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing, to Deputy Secretary Negroponte’s meetings in Beijing earlier this month, to Ambassador Randt’s regular interactions with high-level Chinese officials in Beijing.
The Chinese authorities released political prisoner Nun Phutsog Nyidrol in 2004, one-year shy of her full sentence, and permitted her to travel to the U.S. to receive medical attention in March 2006. Later, she bravely testified before the UN Human Rights Council that during her 15 years in prison, government authorities severely beat and tortured her regularly. The Administration, many Members of Congress and the International Religious Freedom Commission had pushed for her release, and we were pleased when she was allowed to leave. However, we continue to stress to the Chinese that releasing one prisoner is not enough.
One of the most notable prisoners, whom we continue to inquire about, is Gendhun Choekyi Nyima, the boy recognized by the Dalai Lama as the Panchen Lama, and his parents. The boy was detained by authorities in 1995 and will turn 18 years old in April. The Chinese maintain that he is a “normal schoolboy” living in China. However, China has refused to permit anyone from the international community to visit the boy and his family in order to confirm his welfare and well-being. Verbal assurances are not sufficient to allay international concerns. Agreement to such a visit would send a very positive signal to the world about China's intentions with regard to religious freedom.
Current Situation in Tibet
The situation on the ground in Tibet remains extremely serious. The State Department’s annual Human Rights Report for 2006 states that tight controls on religion and other fundamental freedoms remain serious problems. The report describes in detail widespread human rights and religious freedom abuses, including instances of arbitrary arrest, detention, torture in prison, and official controls over Tibetan monasteries and institutions. There are over 100 Tibetan political prisoners who are in jail for expressing their peaceful views.
The shooting incident on the Nepal border last fall was a stark reminder of how difficult conditions can be for Tibetans. On September 30, 2006, the People’s Armed Police (PAP) at the Nangpa La pass shot at a group of approximately 70 Tibetans attempting to cross into Nepal. They killed a 17-year-old nun, Kelsang Namtso and wounded several others. While 43 members of the group arrived in Kathmandu, many members of the group were captured by the soldiers. A 15 year-old who later escaped to India reported that three dozen of these were tortured and forced to do hard labor. The whereabouts of the remaining members of the group are unknown. During my November trip to Dharmasala, I received a first-hand account of the chilling incident from a young Tibetan man who escaped the PAP with the help of mountaineers. Over a candlelit map, he described for me exactly what happened and showed me the path the refugees were attempting to cross when the PAP began shooting.
China’s official media has asserted that the People’s Armed Police shot in self-defense. However, eyewitness accounts and footage shot by a Romanian film crew show that the soldiers were unprovoked and fired directly at the Tibetans. Our Ambassador to China and others in the U.S. Government, including many Senators and Representatives, have repeatedly asked for an explanation. So far, none has been provided.
Unfortunately, this is not an isolated incident. The International Campaign for Tibet reports that in October 2005 Chinese troops fired at a group of about 50 Tibetans attempting to cross into Nepal. In June, border police arrested 13 Tibetans near Tingri who were planning to cross into Nepal. There have been no reports on their current whereabouts.
Tibet remains China’s poorest region even though China has devoted substantial economic resources to Tibet over the past 20 years. The rate of illiteracy is the highest in China at 47%, nearly twice that of the second-ranked province, and malnutrition among Tibetan children remains high.
In 2005, state media reported that Tibetans and other minority groups make up 75% of all government employees in the Tibet Autonomous Region. However, Han Chinese hold the key positions, and the Tibetans holding government positions were prohibited from worshipping at monasteries or practicing their religion.
Concern has risen over recent development projects and other central government policies which continue to promote an influx of Han Chinese, and other ethnic groups into Tibet. There has been great concern about the opening of the Qinghai-TAR railroad, and increased migration to the Plateau. On July 1, President Hu Jintao traveled to Lhasa to inaugurate the railroad. By September, official press reports stated that the line had carried 272,700 passengers: 40% were tourists, 30% business people and the remaining 30% were students, transient workers, traders, and people visiting relatives.
USG Actions
As Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, I remain engaged in all aspects of our Tibet policy. I work closely with relevant bureaus and agencies in our government, and maintain a wide range of contacts in the NGO, academic and diplomatic communities to help ensure support for the protection of Tibet’s human rights and preservation of its unique linguistic, religious, and cultural heritage. I also meet with former Administration officials, and other China and Tibet experts to discuss opportunities and challenges to advance Tibet issues.
As previously mentioned, I traveled to Dharamsala, India in November, an important destination for most Tibetans to visit after they arrive in India. Besides meeting with the Dalai Lama, I also had the opportunity to visit with Tibetan refugees and saw a number of U.S. supported programs that assist refugees and enhance democracy efforts. I was struck by the rich culture and active religious life. Much of our assistance supports the refugee reception centers, health services, educational programs, and special vocational training for Tibetans age 19-27. All of these facilities give the Tibetans the tools to adopt to life as new refugees in India, as well as providing them with education in their native Tibetan language and culture, which they often have not been able to receive inside Tibet.
The President met with the Dalai Lama during his visit to Washington on November 9, 2005 and expressed his continued strong support for the people of Tibet and for their religious freedom.
Later that month, the President traveled to China and met with President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao. In their meetings, the President highlighted the importance of religious freedom and human rights and urged direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama. President Bush said “he thought it would be wise for the Chinese Government to invite the Dalai Lama to China so that he can tell them exactly what he told me in the White House… that he has no desire for an independent Tibet.” He again encouraged the continuation of the dialogue and direct discussions with the Dalai Lama during his April 2006 meeting with President Hu. Secretary Rice reiterated this appeal during her October 2006 trip to China and just last week, Deputy Secretary John Negroponte also raised our concerns. While the Chinese have yet to respond positively, we will continue to urge them to allow the visit as a way of building trust between the two sides.
The Administration’s vision and hope for China is to be a responsible stakeholder in the global system. Our objective is to seek to identify those areas in which we have common interests and where we differ. We also encourage China to understand our concerns and alter its behavior in ways that will advance not only our interests and those of the international community, but China’s own. China’s positions on human rights and democracy are examples of areas in which we do not see eye-to-eye, but continue to seek candid and frank discussions with Chinese officials. As National Security Advisor Stephen Hadley said on the eve of President Hu’s April visit to Washington “If China wishes to become a responsible stakeholder, China should match its expansion of economic freedom with the expansion of political freedom. Chinese leaders need to see that they cannot let their population increasingly experience the freedom to buy, sell and produce, while denying them the right to assemble, speak and worship.”
Conclusion
Despite a lack of progress, we remain staunchly committed to these objectives. In recent years, we have seen a continued crackdown on civil society in China, revealing the unease Chinese leaders have manifested across the country, not just in Tibet. Officials in Beijing have expressed concern about possible unrest in China, and their Tibet policy is just part of their broader concern.
As China’s role on the international stage grows and as the 2008 Beijing Olympic games approach, China should begin to live up to the obligations expected of a responsible global stakeholder and international leader. Beijing may find that a more enlightened policy toward Tibet would be an important step toward enhancing and complementing the respect it has earned from its economic transformation. As President Bush has said, “China’s leaders will discover that freedom is indivisible – that social and religious freedom is also essential to national greatness and national dignity.” It is in China’s self-interest to defuse tensions in Tibet by moderating their repressive and assimilationist policies; by substantively engaging the Dalai Lama or his representatives; and by inviting the Dalai Lama to China.
The Dalai Lama seeks to resolve longstanding differences with the Chinese. His position has been consistent and clear, he wants genuine autonomy for Tibet, not independence. Moreover, he can be an asset to the difficult challenge of regional and national stability. He indisputably represents the opinion of most Tibetans, and his moral authority transcends Tibetan interests.
In March 1959, forty-eight years ago this month, the Dalai Lama fled Tibet. It is my great hope that Chinese leaders take this opportunity to pursue a negotiated settlement with the Dalai Lama that provides the next generation with peace, prosperity, and stability.
Testimony of
Lodi G. Gyari
Special Envoy of H.H. the Dalai Lama
At
House Foreign Affairs Committee Hearing
on
Status of Tibet Negotiations
March 13, 2007
Mr. Chairman:
Thank you for inviting me to testify before your committee. Your decision to hold this hearing is a clear demonstration of how deeply members of this committee and the US Congress as a whole care about the issue of Tibet, helping His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan people overcome their present plight. As you know, I have had the honor of appearing before your predecessors, Chairman Hamilton, Gilman and Hyde. I want to thank you, Chairman Lantos, in particular, for your longstanding commitment to the Tibetan issue, and your close, personal friendship with His Holiness the Dalai Lama. I also want to express my deep appreciation to Rep. Ros-Lehtinen for her energetic and invaluable support.
I am also grateful to President Bush for his steadfast support of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s sincere efforts to find a mutually beneficial solution to the Tibet issue, and to Dr. Condoleezza Rice for her interest and support both while she was at the White House and now in her present position as Secretary of State. I am also grateful for their selection of Under Secretary Paula Dobriansky to serve as the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues. This Administration has chosen someone who is experienced and skilled, and committed to moving this issue forward. I have been very fortunate to have worked with her closely over these past six years.
It is gratifying to know that other governments are also registering their support for Tibet. In the last two months alone, a comprehensive resolution on Tibet passed in the European Parliament, and motions on Tibet in Canada, Austria, Scotland, and initiatives in several other countries were launched. These signal interest around the world in seeing a mutually beneficial resolution of the Tibet issue.
The Chinese authorities criticize us for internationalizing the Tibet issue. But the fact of the matter is that Tibet became an international issue from the beginning precisely because of Chinese actions. The only remedy in front of us is to resolve the issue through dialogue.
At the outset, I want to again formally convey to the members of this committee the full commitment of His Holiness to a peaceful, negotiated settlement to the Tibet question within the framework of the People’s Republic of China.
His Holiness firmly restated his position in his annual March 10th statement marking the anniversary of the Tibetan national uprising in 1959. Mr. Chairman, I seek your permission to enter His Holiness’s March 10, 2007 statement into the record. Thank you.
Since the 1970’s, His Holiness has taken the difficult but courageous position to find a mutually beneficial solution for the future of Tibet within the People’s Republic of China. Therefore, His Holiness defines his Middle Path approach this way: Tibetans will not seek restoration of independence, and the Chinese government will respect the distinctive character of the Tibetan people, thereby making it possible for the Tibetan people to enjoy genuine regional autonomy.
Today, I would like to focus my remarks on the status of the dialogue with the People’s Republic of China and the challenges and opportunities this process presents. As you know, in my capacity as Special Envoy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, I have been entrusted by him to serve as the lead interlocutor to engage the Chinese leadership on Tibet. Since 2002, my delegation has held five rounds of meetings with our Chinese counterparts. I cannot tell you that we have yet made a substantial break-through. Nevertheless, I want to inform you that we consider the five rounds of meetings an important move in the right direction.
For the first time, after decades of being in and out of contact, we have been able to convey to the Chinese leadership in an unambiguous manner the position of His Holiness and the steps that need to be taken in order for the present unfortunate situation to be resolved.
We also have a much clearer understanding of the Chinese government’s position, their concerns, as well as a better idea of some of their misconceptions.
Mr. Chairman, our differences in viewpoints are numerous: some are indeed large and fundamental. The good news is that even my Chinese counterparts agree that it is a positive development that we each now have a clearer grasp of one another’s divergent perspectives.
As a result, we have now reached the stage where if there is the political will on both sides, we have an opportunity to finally resolve this issue. Mr. Chairman, I can assure you that we have the political will to do so and that we will not give up. We have over and over again demonstrated this by our actions, in spite of difficulties, provocations, and the legitimate frustrations of our people.
At this time, I would like to share some of the fundamental issues we have discussed with our Chinese counterparts in our dialogue.
First, on the question of the historical relationship between Tibet and China, we believe that revisiting history will not serve any useful purpose, as we and the Chinese each have very different perspectives on past relations. Instead, His Holiness believes that what is important is the future, based on today’s reality that Tibet is part of the People’s Republic of China.
We have also witnessed time and again revisiting history does not work. This exercise will only pull us apart, not bring us together.
Second, since His Holiness has addressed China’s fundamental concern that Tibet remains a part of the People’s Republic of China. Therefore, the Chinese government should reciprocate by acknowledging the legitimate needs of the Tibetan people to have genuine regional autonomy. According to the Chinese Constitution, the law on Regional Ethnic Autonomy as well as the White Paper on Regional Ethic Autonomy in Tibet, the Tibetan people are entitled to the following rights: full political right of autonomy; full decision-making power in economic and social development undertakings; freedom to inherit and develop their religious belief; and freedom to administer, protect and be the first step to utilize their natural resources, and to independently develop their educational and cultural undertakings.
In treating the Tibetan people with respect and dignity through genuine autonomy, the Chinese leadership has the opportunity to create a truly multi-ethnic, harmonious nation without a tremendous cost in human suffering.
Third, His Holiness believes there should be a single administration for the Tibetan people inside China so that their unique way of life, tradition, and religion can be more effectively and peacefully maintained. Today, less than half of the Tibetan people reside in the Tibet Autonomous Region. The rest reside in Tibetan autonomous counties and prefectures in Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan and Yunnan provinces. All Tibetans residing in these areas share the same language, ethnicity, culture and tradition, and it would be impossible to achieve a negotiated solution for some and not others. Indeed, there is every reason, including the lesson of history, to believe that such an approach would cause tremendous instability on the Tibetan plateau.
Finally, there are two additional points that need to be addressed by the negotiations. The Chinese have the impression that His Holiness is asking for all Tibetan areas to be populated solely by Tibetans. Similarly, that his position is that Tibet must be free of the People’s Liberation Army. We are fully aware that these are issues of concern to the Chinese government as these matters have been raised in our meetings. We have clarified these positions sufficiently to dispel their misconceptions. I am confident that through our discussions we will be able to further diminish these concerns.
For a more detailed discussion on these points, I request that the following statement on the negotiations which I delivered at the Brookings Institution last November be submitted for the record. Thank you.
We have no illusions that coming to a negotiated solution will be easy. Having identified each others’ position and differences, it is now our sincere hope that both sides can start making serious efforts to build trust and find common ground. In furtherance of this goal, His Holiness has made the offer to go personally to China on a pilgrimage. He believes one of the strongest common bonds between the Tibetan and Chinese people is their shared Buddhist faith. There has been some initial reaction to this offer from certain Chinese officials that was favorable to this proposal. Unfortunately, these have been overshadowed by the recent harsh criticism of His Holiness from other quarters.
As you are probably aware, my Chinese counterparts have also been very active in briefing diplomatic missions as well as foreign offices and meeting with international leaders about their own position on these issues. Obviously, I differ with their characterizations. But, I welcome their decision to engage the international community on these issues.
As His Holiness announced in his March 10th statement, my colleague, Envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen, and I are ready to continue the dialogue anytime, anywhere. Since our last round, we have had several in-depth sessions with His Holiness and with Professor Samdhong Rinpoche, the democratically-elected head of the Kashag (cabinet). We possess the sincerity and commitment to pursue these talks to a result, and have genuinely considered the views of our counterparts. Likewise, it is my sincere hope that my counterparts have taken into full account of our fundamental positions and concerns.
Now is the time for a resolution to this issue. I hope the Chinese leadership seizes this opportunity. His Holiness is widely recognized and admired for his honesty and integrity. He has been pragmatic and flexible in wanting to negotiate with the leadership in Beijing on the kind of status Tibet should enjoy in the future, and has held steadfast to his commitment to non-violence and dialogue as the only means of resolving the issue of Tibet.
Every Tibetan, including communist cadres as well as independence advocates, reveres His Holiness. It is a reality today that in spite of their tremendous suffering resulting from some of China’s policies, the Tibetans have not resorted to violent means to respond to this injustice. This is largely because of the unwavering insistence on peace and reconciliation by His Holiness and the hope he provides to his people.
Some detractors in the Chinese Government believe that the aspirations of the Tibetan people will fade away once His Holiness passes. This is a dangerous and short-sighted approach. Certainly, the absence of His Holiness will be devastating to the Tibetan people. But just as importantly his absence will mean that the Chinese leadership will be left on their own to account for the problem. It is certain that the Tibetan issue will become more difficult to resolve with his absence, and that having had their beloved leader pass away in exile will create deep and irreparable wounds in the hearts of the Tibetan people. In the absence of His Holiness, there is no way that the entire population will be able to contain their resentment and anger. And it only takes a few desperate individuals or groups to create major instability. This is not a threat – it is actually something I fear – and it is also a statement of fact. His Holiness’s world view, his special bond with the Tibetan people and the respect he enjoys in the international community all make the person of His Holiness key both to achieving a negotiated solution to the Tibetan issue and to peacefully implementing any agreement that is reached. This is why I have consistently conveyed to my Chinese counterparts that far from being the problem, His Holiness is the solution.
President Hu’s call for a “harmonious society” within China and “peaceful rise” internationally provides some indications of the positive approach and direction his generation of leaders may choose to take.
Mr. Chairman, we do not have a confirmed date for the next round, but I am in regular contact with my counterparts and we will have the sixth round of dialogue within a month or two. While these negotiations have been difficult, and at times painful, I must say, however, that my Chinese counterparts have conducted themselves in an exemplary manner.
In closing, I want to thank you and the US Congress for continuing to encourage the Chinese leadership to engage meaningfully in the dialogue process as it the only avenue to a peaceful and mutually satisfactory resolution of the Tibetan issue.
As Special Envoy, I also have the responsibility to thank you on behalf of His Holiness the Dalai Lama for the concrete and tangible assistance you have provided to Tibetan people in exile and in Tibet. While small in size, these programs have had a huge impact on the lives of many ordinary Tibetans and are a life-line to countless others.
As a Tibetan, I am also deeply touched by this Congress bestowing the Congressional Gold Medal, its highest honor, on His Holiness the Dalai Lama. It is a tremendous expression of support for him, and recognition of his leadership on behalf of peace and nonviolence. This high honor is being given, at a particularly appropriate time, when the world is being shattered by ethnic and sectarian conflict.
Hearing on Tibet
Statement by Richard Gere
Committee on Foreign Affairs, US House of Representatives
March 13, 2007
Chairman Lantos, Representative Ros-Lehtinen, Members of the Committee:
As Chairman of the Board of the International Campaign for Tibet, I would like to thank you for this opportunity to address the Committee. I also wish to compliment the Chairman Lantos and Representative Ros-Lehtinen for beginning their examination of China with the Tibet issue and say how gratifying it is to know that today’s hearing signals a return to the rigorous examination of China and US China policy that Congress used to conduct more regularly.
The time has come for an intensified public discourse on China. China’s global role is significant and developing, and Americans expect and need solid analysis of China’s issues from our politicians. We have recently entered a politically charged presidential campaign season. Soon after the Democratic and Republican nominating conventions take place, the 2008 Olympics will open in Beijing undoubtedly intensifying the American people’s focus on China. In light of major US manufacturing losses, Shanghai’s economic instability, religious persecution, human rights abuses, military build-up and the defilement of the environment, Americans want to understand what is happening inside China and how it will impact us and our world.
We are repeatedly asked to weigh the costs of the US-led war on terror, but there is a virtual silence from our political leaders on China and its 1.3 billion people.
As China rises to accept its very public role as host to the 2008 games, our political leaders have a responsibility to help us understand China and prepare us for the sure-to-be-radically changed post-Olympics China that will follow. Instinctively, Americans realize that China will emerge as either our greatest partner or greatest competitor and in the weeks and months ahead this must be addressed in both parties’ platforms and clearly articulated in the upcoming presidential campaigns.
Among the many areas where congressional leadership has shaped US China policy, Tibet stands out. Mr. Chairman, for twenty years, you and I have been meeting to discuss Tibet, mostly with heavy hearts. I have listened with appreciation and admiration as you and your colleagues register outrage over human rights abuses and urge strategies to move China towards genuine, systematic reform but we still face an uphill battle and the human rights situation for Tibetans has not improved.
Nonetheless, the tremendous outpouring of international support for Tibet and His Holiness the Dalai Lama, including and I believe most-significantly, congressional actions, have had a bearing on Beijing, so much so that we have come to believe the Tibet issue we are facing can be resolved.
Confidence in this premise has inspired legislation crafted in this Committee and in its Senate counterpart to mandate the appointment of a Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues with the responsibility to promote a negotiated solution for Tibet. Three successive appointments of high level officials to this position by US Secretaries of State have been committed to the engagement of Chinese officials and the envoys of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in a process of dialogue.
You have heard from Under Secretary Dobriansky on the initiatives taken by President Bush and his administration and from Lodi Gyari on his discussions with the Chinese. Their testimonies suggest a way forward, given sufficient political will in Beijing which thus far has been sadly lacking. I think it is fair to say that all parties are considering when and how the direct participation of His Holiness the Dalai Lama can be engaged to achieve a positive resolution for both parties. A win-win is possible. For those of us who know His Holiness, it is impossible to conceive that his involvement would be an impediment or a stumbling block. In fact, the Nobel Peace Laureate is the perfect partner for an equitable solution. So why has Beijing been so unwilling to embrace this simple truth?
China craves success and respectability. Its economic success is in most ways indisputable and certainly hosting the Olympics is a high-prestige occasion. But what concerns me and other Americans is how China is winning respectability and extending its influence as a global player. And at what cost to us?
However, with regard to Tibet, respectability rests on legitimacy, and China has come to its claim on Tibet by invasion and occupation and not through the Communist revolution that provided the legitimacy for that party’s rule in China.
The Dalai Lama embodies China’s lack of legitimacy and it is therefore reasonable to assume that Chinese leaders fear that a return of the Dalai Lama to Tibet and the emotional welcome that would greet him, would only underscore this point. But that’s clearly a short sighted point of view that belies President Hu Jintao’s commitment to a “harmonious society” which is inclusive of Tibetans and all other ethnic minorities in China. Ironically, the Dalai Lama actually affords China the opportunity for a lasting and peaceful solution with the Tibetan people that would otherwise be impossible. The stability and legitimacy the Dalai Lama would bring is very good indeed for China’s short and long term interests.
Unfortunately, nothing illustrates China’s failure of respectability more vividly than its current policies and actions in Tibet. Since the Chinese invasion of Tibet in 1949-50, Tibetans who did not escape into exile with the Dalai Lama have been systematically brutalized and increasingly marginalized. China's breakneck economic success has, in Tibet, led to inappropriate economic and social policies that make certain the even-further and perhaps permanent marginalization of Tibetans. These policies, which are rapidly transforming Tibet, are based on an urban, technocratic model that favors Chinese settlers and does not take into account Tibetans' needs, views or the way of life that has sustained them successfully on the highest plateau of Asia for centuries. These policies present the most serious threat by the Chinese yet to the survival of Tibet's unique religious, cultural and linguistic identity.
The chilling reality of China's treatment of Tibetans was exposed in a short film shot by a Sergiu Matei, a Romanian mountain climber and cameraman who himself lived through similar hardships under Soviet Rule. I recently had the privilege of meeting Sergiu in Berlin. He told me of his climbing near the Tibet-Nepal border as he and his companions witnessed Chinese border police open fire on a group of Tibetan refugees, mostly nuns, monks and small children, who were making the impossible crossing into Nepal through the Nang Pa-la pass. After twenty-two days of walking, they were a half hour from freedom. In Sergiu’s film, the sharp crack of gunfire is heard and Kelsang Namtso, a 17-year old Tibetan Buddhist nun falls dead in the deep snow. She was shot like an animal.
Kelsang Namtso was escaping from Tibet in order to practice her religion in freedom and to seek a blessing from the Dalai Lama. The reasons for her dangerous journey into exile, which ultimately led to her death, were similar to many of the thousands of Tibetans who risk their lives escaping from Tibet each year. I must note here that since 1991 Congress has provided humanitarian assistance, administered through the UNHCR and the Central Tibetan Administration of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, for the care of Tibetan refugees. I myself have been to these refugee centers, without which many of those Tibetans who do cross safely into Nepal and onwards into India would not survive.
China's initial response to international news of the shooting of Kelsang Namtso was to say that its police fired on the Tibetans in self-defense. After Sergiu’s film was shown on the BBC, NBC, CNN and U-tube, China adjusted its explanation claiming that the murder of Kelsang Namsto reflected “normal border management”, hardly the response of a country that is seeking respectability.
Even as Chinese leaders may be weighing the pros and cons of genuinely engaging the Dalai Lama as a partner, there is a growing interest among the Chinese people themselves in Tibet’s culture, religion, and still largely pristine lands. The Chinese people are hungry for spiritual sustenance after sixty-years of official and enforced atheism. They are rediscovering deep Buddhist roots in China and are finding them compatible with their modern lives and future aspirations. Today, it is not uncommon to see Chinese on pilgrimage to Tibet’s holy places and Chinese monks are known to study the timeless Buddhist principles of wisdom and compassion with Tibetan Buddhist masters.
Well-to-do Chinese tourists, arriving in Lhasa by the hundreds of thousands on the new train from Beijing, cross thousands of miles of magnificent landscape. One can only imagine the impact of these wide open spaces on people who mostly experience daily life in China’s environmentally ravaged urban centers. Five of the ten most-polluted cities in the world are in China. An urgency to protect the environment is building within China, and many Chinese see Tibet as a natural treasure that must be protected. We need to encourage this. Many of us see the possibility of Tibet becoming an enormous environmental reserve, an area that China can claim with pride.
It is imperative that Congress encourage and convince China that the survival of Tibet's spiritual and cultural heritage is vital not only for the Tibetan people but also congruent with its own ambitions for success and respectability. China's journey towards greatness will only be enhanced by embracing and preserving Tibet’s unique culture and pristine land.
Mr. Chairman, the Dalai Lama is willing to make a visit to China. I strongly believe such a visit would build confidence and trust between the two parties and would certainly allay Chinese fears concerning the Dalai Lama and what his presence in Tibet would portend. Those of us who know His Holiness could never doubt his sincerity. We must use every opportunity available to us to impress upon President Hu Jintao and other Chinese officials the importance of extending an invitation for this visit. It is imperative for the human rights of the Tibetan people, for the survival of their unique identity, and for the legitimacy of China that the Dalai Lama is meaningfully involved in decision making on Tibet's future. China could have no better friend.
The award of the Congressional Gold Medal to His Holiness the Dalai Lama will occur this October and all Americans applaud this as a clear statement of the United States’ support for a peaceful resolution in Tibet. Prior to that, China’s National Party Congress will convene which offers an important opportunity for it to rethink its Tibet policy based not on the past but on China’s maturing stature in the world today.
It is my hope that China will generate a creative atmosphere of openness and possibility that sets the stage for an invitation to and an acceptance by His Holiness to visit China. It is important that His Holiness the Dalai Lama is able to continue to speak with confidence about the path he has committed to pursue with China. And let us be absolutely clear again, that path leads to a genuinely autonomous Tibet within the People’s Republic of China. And with it, all the national harmony and goodwill that that relationship would imply.
As I conclude my time before the Committee, I would like to return to the issue of US programmatic support for Tibet and urge this, the authorizing Committee, to renew its commitment and secure full funding for programs that: 1) preserve cultural tradition 2) promote sustainable development and environmental conservation in Tibet 3) promote democracy and human rights documentation 4) provide humanitarian assistance for Tibetan refugees; 5) preserve the Tibetan Scholarship Program, the Tibetan Cultural Exchange Program, the Voice of America and Radio Free Asia Tibetan broadcasts.
These programs have been the life blood of the Tibetan Diaspora and most importantly, they have provided hope and confidence to Tibetans inside Tibet. They indicate the strong support of our government for Tibet, and they express the will of the American people.
Finally and personally, for President Hu Jintao, this is an extraordinary opportunity to secure his position as a great modern Chinese leader, to enjoy the embrace of the rest of the world and set a precedence of trustworthiness for the solution of the far more-complex issues facing China. A creative and peaceful resolution in Tibet would surely be the foundation of the “harmonious society” President Hu so envisions.
To be honest, there is an extraordinary yet narrow window of opportunity between China’s National Party Congress and the 2008 Olympics in Beijing. President Hu is presented with a unique moment in history to define his legacy. Let us hope and pray he takes advantage of it.
I will offer a final observation. An equitable solution in Tibet is good for Tibet, good for China, good for Asia, good for America, good for the world and an unmistakable demonstration of China’s evolution as a responsible nation and people….and quite simply, it’s the right thing to do.
Thank you.
Felegund Community Member 
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